The Choice

There’s a memorable, beautifully-written editorial in the current New Yorker which perfectly encapsulates the choice facing Americans. It concludes:

The exhaustingly, sometimes infuriatingly long campaign of 2008 (and 2007) has had at least one virtue: it has demonstrated that Obama’s intelligence and steady temperament are not just figments of the writer’s craft. He has made mistakes, to be sure. (His failure to accept McCain’s imaginative proposal for a series of unmediated joint appearances was among them.) But, on the whole, his campaign has been marked by patience, planning, discipline, organization, technological proficiency, and strategic astuteness. Obama has often looked two or three moves ahead, relatively impervious to the permanent hysteria of the hourly news cycle and the cable-news shouters. And when crisis has struck, as it did when the divisive antics of his ex-pastor threatened to bring down his campaign, he has proved equal to the moment, rescuing himself with a speech that not only drew the poison but also demonstrated a profound respect for the electorate. Although his opponents have tried to attack him as a man of “mere” words, Obama has returned eloquence to its essential place in American politics. The choice between experience and eloquence is a false one––something that Lincoln, out of office after a single term in Congress, proved in his own campaign of political and national renewal. Obama’s “mere” speeches on everything from the economy and foreign affairs to race have been at the center of his campaign and its success; if he wins, his eloquence will be central to his ability to govern.

We cannot expect one man to heal every wound, to solve every major crisis of policy. So much of the Presidency, as they say, is a matter of waking up in the morning and trying to drink from a fire hydrant. In the quiet of the Oval Office, the noise of immediate demands can be deafening. And yet Obama has precisely the temperament to shut out the noise when necessary and concentrate on the essential. The election of Obama—a man of mixed ethnicity, at once comfortable in the world and utterly representative of twenty-first-century America—would, at a stroke, reverse our country’s image abroad and refresh its spirit at home. His ascendance to the Presidency would be a symbolic culmination of the civil- and voting-rights acts of the nineteen-sixties and the century-long struggles for equality that preceded them. It could not help but say something encouraging, even exhilarating, about the country, about its dedication to tolerance and inclusiveness, about its fidelity, after all, to the values it proclaims in its textbooks. At a moment of economic calamity, international perplexity, political failure, and battered morale, America needs both uplift and realism, both change and steadiness. It needs a leader temperamentally, intellectually, and emotionally attuned to the complexities of our troubled globe. That leader’s name is Barack Obama.

Elsewhere in the same issue, James Wood has a nice piece about the way the McCain camp has portrayed Obama’s literary and oratorical skills as ‘evidence’ of a character flaw. And then, of course, there’s Palin:

Hearing her being interviewed by Sean Hannity, on Fox News, almost made one wish for a Republican victory in November, so that her bizarre locutions might be available a bit longer to delve into. At times, even Hannity looked taken aback; his eyes, slightly too close to each other, like the headlamps on an Army jeep, went blank, as if registering the abyss we are teetering above. Or perhaps he just couldn’t follow. The most revealing moment happened earlier, when she was asked about Obama’s attack on McCain’s claim that the fundamentals of the economy are sound. “Well,” Palin said, “it was an unfair attack on the verbage that Senator McCain chose to use, because the fundamentals, as he was having to explain afterwards, he means our workforce, he means the ingenuity of the American people. And of course that is strong, and that is the foundation of our economy. So that was an unfair attack there, again, based on verbage that John McCain used.” This is certainly doing rather than mere talking, and what is being done is the coinage of “verbage.” It would be hard to find a better example of the Republican disdain for words than that remarkable term, so close to garbage, so far from language.

Analysis: End of the swaggering City — and of New Labour economics

Nice analysis in the Guardian…

There are four big conclusions.

The first is that the long period of economic expansion that started in September 1992 with the pound’s forced departure from the European exchange rate mechanism is now over. The IMF warned yesterday that Britain’s economy will shrink next year for the first time in 18 years, with a risk that the forecast 0.1% decline in GDP will be over-optimistic. The way things look, that’s a reasonable call.

The second thing to disappear yesterday was the notion that the British economy could survive on finance alone. For the past 20 years, policy-makers in the UK have convinced themselves that the might of the City could compensate for the country’s inability to make anything. The notion that the ever-widening trade deficit was merely a temporary phase while Britain adjusted to a weightless, virtual, financially-driven future has now been exposed for the grotesque fantasy it always was.

Thirdly, the bankruptcy of the City also represents the bankruptcy of New Labour economics, which has been based to an unhealthy degree on a desire to ape the go-getting, deal-making culture of the United States.

Labour governments of the past have always had industrial strategies, which have normally been based on the idea that manufacturing matters. Since 1997, ministers have convinced themselves that Britain had a comparative advantage in financial services and that therefore industrial policy should be based on giving the City what the City wants. The light-touch regulation of financial services was but one expression of the almost total obeisance to big capital.

The manufacturing industry, by contrast, was allowed to wither on the vine, even though the idea that developed western nations can no longer compete industrially with the emerging nations of East Asia is countered by the remarkably good performance of high-cost countries such as Germany and Sweden.

Britain would be a cleaner and more prosperous country if a fraction of the effort spent on making London safe for speculators had been reallocated to harnessing the nation’s raw scientific talent into a thriving environmental technology industry.

Finally, the dominance of the City is over, at least for the time being. What we have seen over the past 14 months is the humbling of the City: what the Greeks would have called nemesis following hubris.

Far from using their freedom from regulation to take wise decisions that would benefit all, banks plunged into investments about which they knew little or nothing. Far from allocating capital in an efficient manner, the credit crunch that has resulted from the orgy of irresponsible lending has led to a dearth of funds for the small businesses that sorely need it.

What we have seen in the first week of October 2008 is a broken-backed industry that promised to be at the cutting edge of the free market, but in reality cannot survive without the largesse of the state.

When it came to it, all the bastions of deregulation – the City, the CBI, the Conservative party – crumbled because they could see the writing on the wall. Without funding from the taxpayer, virtually no bank would be safe from the global financial virus.

Waugh correspondence

Tina Brown — the editress who nearly trashed the New Yorker — has launched a website which is a contrived nod at the fictional newspaper in Evelyn Waugh’s novel Scoop. She’s clearly aiming at the Huffington Post. My guess is that she’s missed the boat.

Thanks to Gerard for the link.

Bliss!

I’ve always said that if I won the lottery I would do two things: (i) employ my own full-time IT support person; and (ii) take out a subscription to the New Yorker — because then I would have time to read it from cover to cover every week. But last month I decided that life is too short to wait for the lottery (besides, where would I invest the money?), so I signed up for a subscription, and the first issue was waiting for me today when I got home from work. It’s a wonderful magazine, with great writing and liberal, humane values which provides a welcome reminder that there are some great things about America.

New Labour’s database nation

Cory Doctorow is one of this country’s most valuable immigrants. But, as this scarifying essay reveals, he will be leaving if Brown’s ID Card scheme is implemented.

A few years later, I was living with my partner, and had fathered a British daughter (when I mentioned this to a UK immigration official at Heathrow, he sneeringly called her “half a British citizen”). We were planning a giant family wedding in Toronto when the news came down: the Home Secretary had unilaterally, on 24 hours’ notice, changed the rules for highly skilled migrants to require a university degree…

My partner and I scrambled. We got married. We applied for a spousal visa. A few weeks later, I presented myself in Croydon at the Home Office immigration centre to turn over my biometrics and have a visa glued into my Canadian passport. I got two years’ breathing room. My family could stay in Britain.

Then came last week’s announcement: effective immediately, spousal visa holders (and foreign students) would be issued mandatory, biometric radio-frequency ID papers that we will have to carry at all times. And I started to look over my shoulder…

Now, we immigrants are to be the beta testers for Britain’s sleepwalk into the surveillance society. We will have to carry internal passports and the press will say, “If you don’t like it, you don’t have to live here – it’s unseemly for a guest to complain about the terms of the hospitality.” But this beta test is not intended to stop with immigrants. Government freely admits that immigrants are only the first stage of a universal rollout of mandatory biometric RFID identity cards. What happens to us now will happen to you, next.

Not me, though. If the government of the day when I renew my visa in 2010 requires that I carry these papers as a condition of residence, the Doctorows will again leave their country and find a freer one. My wife – born here, raised here, with family here – is with me. We won’t raise our British daughter in the database nation. It’s not safe.”

I’ve never voted Tory in my life, but next time I will if this proposal isn’t dropped. And so, I hope, will most of the country.

Many thanks to Ray Corrigan for pointing me to Cory’s article, which I’d missed in all the guff about the banking crisis.