Old media, new media and the UK election

One of the more comical aspects of the current UK election is the way ‘old’ media (newspapers and broadcast TV) gloated about how they had ‘transformed’ the election from the venerable two-party slugfest into a supposedly more open contest. There’s a note of triumphalism here: “see”, the dinosaurs are braying, “for all this talk of an ‘online election’, the impact of the Net, social networking, twitter etc. it’s really going to be decided by older, tried-and-trusted media”. There may be a lot of cyberchatter on Twitter and Facebook, the political editors jeer, but it’s not showing up on the doorstep.

Hmmm… I wonder. My perception, sitting as I do far away from Hothouse SW1, is that something’s different this time. It isn’t anything as obvious as the online phenomenon so brilliantly exploited by the Obama campaign. What’s happening is more subtle: it is that there’s been a significant change in the media ecosystem, and the broadcast boys — and much of the print media — haven’t really noticed it. There are two reasons for this. The first is that they are conditioned by the push-media mindset — which essentially assumes that those at the centre who create the messages are the only ones who count and those who receive them at the edges are essentially dumb and passive. The second reason is that they live in the same hermetically-sealed bubble as the political establishment, which to all intents and purposes constitutes a parallel universe to the one inhabited by the rest of us.

The televised debates have brought all this sharply into focus. The gloating, self-satisfaction of the TV crowd is so palpable, and somehow, so pathetic. All the hoopla: it’s like the Cup Final, the Cheltenham Gold Cup and the Oscars rolled into one. The vans with the satellite dishes; the neatly-coiffed and suited news anchors brought down to the West Country [the second debate took place in Bristol] to do ‘pieces to camera’ against the backdrop of the river Avon; the pre-match interviews with the referee, Adam Bolton of Sky — (“are you nervous?” he was asked in one particularly nauseating Radio 4 interview). And so on, ad nauseam.

And then the aftermath backstage in which spin doctors corralled in what Armando Ianucci memorably dubbed “spin alley” where they are solemnly ‘interviewed’ to give them an opportunity to explain why and how their man ‘won’. “The forces of spin in the room are so convulsive”, Ianucci writes,

“that they generate their own satellite spinners; last week, the shadow Home Secretary Chris Grayling was heard spinning that, in the practice debates where he was pretending to be Gordon Brown, he outclassed the real David Cameron. This week, a Labour sub-spinner spun that David Miliband would be replacing Peter Mandelson as the spinner for Gordon Brown, therefore reflecting the fact they were placing less emphasis on spin. If Dr Seuss ever wrote a stage play, it would look and sound like this.

Meantime, all the broadcast networks set up little pens inside which their reporters try to unspin what’s been spun in front of them and for the benefit of live TV cameras. Walking down the row, listening to the collective chirruping, it’s hard not to think that is what it would be like being locked inside a battery farm for the night.”

What’s changed is that this kind of thing — which used to be the essence of TV election coverage in the old days — now looks, well, both comical and pathetic. I mean to say, here are these guys telling us how the debate that we have all just watched ‘went’, as if we were dopes incapable of having our own responses. Further, they are telling us how we will respond (or have already responded via instant polling techniques) to it. What they don’t know is that I have been watching the debates alongside my Twitter buddies, and I have been attending — and contributing to — that backchannel throughout the debate and its aftermath. They don’t know, for example, that at one point someone tweeted that while watching the debate on HD he had suddenly wondered if David Cameron was trying to grow a moustache. In no time at all this meme had flourished and led to this.

Further, what the TV guys don’t know either is how ludicrous they have begun to seem in this new media environment, or the extent to which we are laughing at them. Suddenly a commentator like Nick Robinson [the BBC’s Political Editor] has begun to look like a politician giving a lecture to a school Assembly, the members of which have noticed — as he has not — that his flies are undone.

What old media seem to have forgotten, as Peter Preston points out in a coruscating Observer column this morning, is that

“The point of the debates is to let viewers see for themselves, and decide. Cue maybe an instant poll or five. Self-serving guff shouldn’t be on the menu.

But, alas, too many newspapers take us for mugs. Here’s the Sun, hailing “The Cam Back Kid”. Here’s the Mirror proclaiming that “Hapless Cam flops again”. Here’s the poll that happens to fit your prejudices, however vestigially. And here, trailing across the bottom of too many pages, are mini-verdicts from Sun security advisers, Sun cabbies and sundry predictable players, all parroting a script you could have written before the train left for Bristol.

Pause and ponder a potentially defining moment. Something has happened since this campaign began, something that’s turned the polls and assumed certainties topsy-turvy. You can scoff along Clegg/Obama/Churchill lines. You can wait for the balloon to burst. But meanwhile the old routines look crude, going on insulting.”

“Do what you do best and link to the rest” is Jeff Jarvis’s (excellent) advice to journalists and editors who are puzzled about how they should respond to the challenge of online media. What TV did best, in this particular context, was to stage the debate: only a broadcast (few-to-many) medium could do that. But where it struggles is in attempting to add value to that broadcast event. To date, it has fallen back on the old, pre-Internet, staples (studio discussions with bigwigs, spinmeisters and columnists) leavened with a smattering of new tech tools (for example, second-by-second reaction tracking). But, actually, the value added is trivial compared with what’s available on the Web and in social media. And the reason for that is simple: TV is a push medium; and the intellectual bandwidth of push media is inherently very narrow. As Neil Postman observed many years ago (and James Fallows also showed in his lovely book, Breaking the News), you can’t do philosophy with smoke signals.

UK jails schizophrenic for refusal to decrypt files

Good piece of reporting by The Register.

Exclusive The first person jailed under draconian UK police powers that Ministers said were vital to battle terrorism and serious crime has been identified by The Register as a schizophrenic science hobbyist with no previous criminal record.

His crime was a persistent refusal to give counter-terrorism police the keys to decrypt his computer files.

The 33-year-old man, originally from London, is currently held at a secure mental health unit after being sectioned while serving his sentence at Winchester Prison.

In June the man, JFL, who spoke on condition we do not publish his full name, was sentenced to nine months imprisonment under Part III of the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act (RIPA). The powers came into force at the beginning of October 2007…

Apple bans Pulitzer Prize-winning political cartoonist from iPhone

From The Register.

This week, a California political cartoonist was awarded the prestigious Pulitzer Prize. Last December, Apple’s App Store police barred his work from its hallowed online halls.

As reported Thursday by Harvard University's Nieman Journalism Lab, Pulitzer Prize–winning cartoonist Mark Fiore submitted his cartoon app NewsToons to the App Store Police, only to have it rejected.

Fiore’s sin: violation of the sacred section 3.3.14 of the iPhone Developer Program License Agreement, which reads:

Applications must not contain any obscene, pornographic, offensive or defamatory content or materials of any kind (text, graphics, images, photographs, etc.), or other content or materials that in Apple's reasonable judgment may be found objectionable by iPhone or iPod touch users.

We’ll gloss over that risible ‘reasonable judgement’ bit and instead pose a simple question: Keeping in mind that Fiore is a political cartoonist, might that “offensive or defamatory” judgment be solely in the eyes of the beholder?

Meaning, are the App Store police censoring commentary based upon their own tastes? Well, of course they are.

LATER: It seems that the ban has been rescinded. Amazing what a firestorm of bad publicity can achieve.

Analysing political discourse

The only thing more depressing than the actual TV ‘debate’ between Clegg, Brown and Cameron is the brain-dead mainstream media ‘follow-up’ this morning. (You know the pattern: get a few randomly-selected ‘ordinary’ people and ask them what they thought about the debate. Zzzz…) So it was encouraging to find that one of my OU colleagues, Simon Buckingham-Shum (who has done a lot of work on visualising discourse and reasoning using tools like Compendium) had done a cognitive mapping of last night’s discussion. You can find his interactive map here. He also has a blog post about it. Great stuff.

LATER: The Google Blog has an interesting post about what Brits searched for during the debate. Includes this chart:

Tom Watson’s digital pledges

Tom Watson is one of the few MPs who really seems to understand the Net. He’s standing for re-election and has posted his draft digital pledges on his blog — and also issued a Twitter request to his followers to suggest ways in which they can be improved. Here’s the draft:

1. I will support and campaign for more transparency in the public and private sector.

2. I will oppose measures that unjustly deny people’s access to the Internet.

3. Whilst noting the acknowledged limitations, I believe people have the right to free speech on the Internet.

4. I will support all measures that allow people access to their personal data held by others. I further support restoration of control over how personal data is gathered, managed and shared to the individual.

5. I will use my role as an MP to support international free expression movements.

6. The Internet shall be built and operated openly and without discrimination.

7. I will support all measures to bring non-personal public data into the public domain.

8. I will support all proposals that lead to greater numbers joining the digital world and oppose measures that reduce it.

9. I believe that copyright and software patent laws should be reformed to reflect the needs of citizens in the Internet age.

They look pretty good to me. Personally, I’d extend #9 to include a pledge that henceforth lawmaking on intellectual property will be evidence-based rather than decided by conversations on luxury yachts.

Mandy’s Dangerous Downloaders Act

This morning’s Observer column.

The trouble is that in Westminster (or on Capitol Hill) nobody speaks for the future or for the wider needs of society. So we wind up with biased legislation framed in a rearview mirror. The fact that the internet makes it easy to copy and remix does indeed pose a challenge for IP regimes framed in the era of print. But that should be a spur for rethinking the regime, not for switching off the net – because that’s what we will have to do in order to stop what’s now going on.

The dangerous downloaders act won’t stop file-sharing, but it will certainly inhibit online creativity. This government has legislated in haste; it will be for the next one to repent at leisure.

The truth about Cameron’s Svengali

Excellent Observer piece by Peter Oborne about Dave’s key apparatchik, Andy Coulson, the former editor of the Screws of the World.

First, there is no question at all that the News of the World routinely used private investigators during the seven years that Coulson was running the paper. Though much of what they did was legal, some was not. One of these investigators, Steve Whittamore, ran a network of specialists who concentrated on “blagging”, or tricking information out of confidential databases run by banks, credit card and phone companies, Revenue and Customs, the police national computer and other sources. Whittamore, who provided intelligence for other Fleet Street titles as well, was convicted in 2005 of offences committed under the Data Protection Act.

Mulcaire was an expert in intercepting voicemail messages. However, Mulcaire, who was on a full-time contract worth £100,000 a year until his arrest in August 2006, was also a skilful blagger. In all, four investigators who worked for Coulson’s News of the World have been convicted of criminal offences. One of them, whose name cannot be revealed for legal reasons, was actually re-employed by the News of the World after serving his prison sentence. This happened in 2005, while Coulson was still editor.

It is no exaggeration to state that under the editorship of Coulson the News of the World was running what was effectively a large private intelligence service, using some of the same highly intrusive techniques as MI5. This illegal surveillance was targeted at the most famous and most powerful men and women in Britain, including footballers, politicians, members of the government, police and military. The budget stretched to hundreds of thousands of pounds a year, probably more. As deputy editor, and then editor, Coulson was routinely commissioning and editing stories to which these investigators had contributed vital information.

Yet when Coulson gave evidence to MPs last year, he insisted that throughout the time he was editor he had been wholly unaware of any of this, with the exception of the “very unfortunate rogue case” of Clive Goodman.

By these standards, Alastair Campbell was pretty clean.