Apropos my earlier post:
Afghanistan, child abuse and WikiLeaks
On December 2 the Guardian published a leaked cable dated 24 June, 2009 which reported on a meeting between the US Assistant Ambassador to Afghanistan and Hanif Atmar, then the Interior Minister of Afghanistan. One of the topics covered was the activities of a US contractor, DynCorp, retained by the Americans to train Afghan policemen.
Atmar was agitated about reports of what the American company had allegedly been up to. Here’s one account:
Prime among Atmar’s concerns was a party partially thrown by DynCorp for Afghan police recruits in Kunduz Province.
Many of DynCorp’s employees are ex-Green Berets and veterans of other elite units, and the company was commissioned by the US government to provide training for the Afghani police. According to most reports, over 95 percent of its $2 billion annual revenue comes from US taxpayers.
And in Kunduz province, according to the leaked cable, that money was flowing to drug dealers and pimps. Pimps of children, to be more precise. (The exact type of drug was never specified.)
So what went on at this US-subsidised ‘party’? The HoustonPress account says that it was “bacha bazi”.
Eh?
Bacha bazi is a pre-Islamic Afghan tradition that was banned by the Taliban. Bacha boys are eight- to 15-years-old. They put on make-up, tie bells to their feet and slip into scanty women’s clothing, and then, to the whine of a harmonium and wailing vocals, they dance seductively to smoky roomfuls of leering older men.
After the show is over, their services are auctioned off to the highest bidder, who will sometimes purchase a boy outright. And by services, we mean anal sex: The State Department has called bacha bazi a “widespread, culturally accepted form of male rape.” (While it may be culturally accepted, it violates both Sharia law and Afghan civil code.)
For Pashtuns in the South of Afghanistan, there is no shame in having a little boy lover; on the contrary, it is a matter of pride. Those who can afford the most attractive boy are the players in their world, the OG’s of places like Kandahar and Khost. On the Frontline video, ridiculously macho warrior guys brag about their young boyfriends utterly without shame.
So perhaps in the evil world of Realpolitik, in which there is apparently no moral compass US private contractors won’t smash to smithereens, it made sense for DynCorp to drug up some Pashtun police recruits and turn them loose on a bunch of little boys.
In the tsunami of WikiLeaks coverage this cable has been largely overlooked. But it seems to me to be very revealing. This is not so much because it sheds light on the malign activities of some US contractors in Afghanistan (we know a lot about this already), but because of the light it sheds on the mores of the society that the US and NATO is attempting to shore up. One would have to be a deranged cultural relativist to regard as civilised a country which tolerates intolerable levels of female subjugation, and in which child abuse appears to be widely practiced and, in some cases, celebrated.
This was brought home to me in a conversation I had recently (before the WikiLeaks revelations) at a dinner party. The man sitting next to me was a retired British army Intelligence officer who had seen recent service in Afghanistan. We talked about the difficulties facing the US/NATO mission and about the impossibility of implanting democratic values in a country like that. At one point my companion told a story about a conversation he had had with an American General who was about to hold a meeting with a local Afghan warlord. The General requested a detailed briefing on his Afghan visitor. The officer asked how much detail was required. “Everything you’ve got”, replied the General. Well, said the Brit, the latest we’ve got is that he raped two young boys this morning”. And this was a guy that the Americans had decided they had to deal with.
Which brings me back to the real value of the WikiLeaks cache of leaked cables. It may be — as the Establishment maintains — that they don’t bring any earth-shattering revelations. But the steady drip-drip of cables like the one of June 24 is important not so much because the cables reveal the futility and immorality of the US/NATO mission in Afghanistan (though they do) but because they show that the US and NATO also know that it’s futile. Which means that the only reason we’re continuing to fund this doomed venture (at a cost of $2.8 billion a week, btw) is because our politicians cannot think of a way of extricating us.
LATER: Glenn Greenwald has an excellent piece in Salon on why the WikiLeaks are telling us things that we really needed to know.
The Assange interview
This and John Humphreys’s Radio 4 interview provide a fascinating case-study in the efficacy of different interviewing styles. Humphreys’s confrontational approach revealed interesting thngs about Assange’s personality. Frost’s softer style elicits much more information about WikiLeaks.
WTF?
Verily, you could not make this up.
We’re not quite sure what’s prompted all the hilarious names today, but the CIA has now formed a new group with an acronym of the likes we haven’t seen since the days of Nixon’s CREEP (or the Committee to Reelect the President). The WikiLeaks Task Force — yeah, WTF — has been charged with assessing the impact of the leaked cables on the agency’s foreign relationships and operations, and it seems that the acronym has unsurprisingly already become the normal parlance at HQ. No word if the CIA is planning on holding a WTF BBQ to mark the occasion.
And I thought nobody would ever, ever beat CREEP.
Yum: snow
Porn, cash and the slippery slope to the National Security State
One of the most unsettling experiences of the last decade has been watching Western democracies sleepwalking into a national security nightmare. Each incremental step towards total surveillance follows the same script. It goes like this: first, a new security ‘threat’ is uncovered, revealed or hypothesised; then a technical ‘solution’ to the new threat is proposed, trialled (sometimes) and then implemented — usually at formidable cost to the public; finally, the new ‘solution’ proves inadequate. But instead of investigating whether it might have been misguided in the first place, a new, even more intrusive, ‘solution’ is proposed and implemented.
In this way we went from verbal questioning to pat-down searches at airports, and thence to x-ray scanning of cabin-baggage, to having to submit laptops to separate scanning (including, I gather, examination of hard-disk files in some cases), to having to take off our shoes, to having all cosmetic fluids (including toothpaste) inspected, and — most recently — to back-scatter x-ray scanning which reveals the shape of passengers’ breasts and genitals. It may be that we will get to the point where only passengers willing to stip naked are allowed to board a plane. The result: a mode of travel that was sometimes pleasant and usually convenient has been transformed into a deeply time-consuming, stressful and unpleasant ordeal
The rationale in all cases is the same; these measures are necessary to thwart a threat that is self-evidently awful and in that sense the measures are for the public good. We are all agreed, are we not, that suicidal terrorism is a bad things and so any measure deemed necessary to prevent it must be good? Likewise, we all agree that street crime and disorder is an evil, so CCTV cameras must be a good thing, mustn’t they? So we now have countries like Britain where no resident of an urban area is ever out of sight of a camera. And of course we all abhor child pornography and paedophilia, so we couldn’t possibly object to the Web filtering and packet-sniffing needed to detect and block it, right? A similar argument is used in relation to file-sharing and copyright infringement: this is asserted to be ‘theft’ and since we’re all against theft then any legislative measures forced on ISPs to ‘stop theft’ must be justified. And so on.
So each security initiative has a local justification which is held to be self-evidently obvious. But the aggregate of all these localised ‘solutions’ has a terrifying direction of travel — towards a total surveillance society, a real national security state. And anyone who expresses reservations or objections is invariably rebuffed with the trope that people who have nothing to hide have nothing to fear from these measures.
In the UK, a novel variation on this philosophy has just surfaced in Conservative (capital C) political circles. A right-wing Tory MP who is obsessed with the threat of Internet pornography has been touting the idea that broadband customers who do not want their ISPs to block access to pornography sites should have to register that fact with the ISP. (This is to ‘protect’ children, of course, in case the poor dears should mistype a search term and see images of unspeakable acts in progress.) Last Sunday a British newspaper reported that the communications minister, Ed Vaizey, is concerned about the availability of pornography and says he would quite like ISPs to do something about it for him. According to The Register, “he plans to call the major players to a meeting next month to discuss measures, including the potential for filters that would require those who do want XXX material to opt their connection out”.
The Register doesn’t take this terribly seriously, because it’s convinced that Vaizey is too shrewd to get dragged into the filtering mess that afflicted the Australian government. Maybe he is, but suppose he finds himself unable to hold back the tide of backbench wrath towards the evil Internet, with its WikiLeaks and porn and all. The implicit logic of the approach would fit neatly with everything we’ve seen so far. First of all, the objective is self-evidently ‘good’ — to protect children from pornography. Secondly, we’re not being illiberal — if you want to allow porn all you have to do is to register that fact with your ISP. What could be fairer than that?
But then consider the direction of travel. What if some future government decides that children should not be exposed to, say, the political propaganda of the British National Party? After all, they’re a nasty pack of xenophobic racists. And then there are the animal rights activists — nasty fanatics who put superglue in butchers’ shop doors on Christmas eve. Why should thay enjoy “the oxygen of publicity”? And then there are… Well, you get the point.
Stowe Boyd has an interesting post about another bright security wheeze which has really sinister long-term implications. Since terrrists and drug barons use cash, why not do away with the stuff and switch over to electronic money instead?
In a cashless economy, insurgents’ and terrorists’ electronic payments would generate audit trails that could be screened by data mining software; every payment and transfer would yield a treasure trove of information about their agents, their locations and their intentions. This would pose similar challenges for criminals.
Who would such a system benefit, asks Boyd?
Not the part-time sex worker, trying to make ends meet in a down economy. Not the bellman at the airport, whose tips might disappear after the transition to cards. Not the homeless guy I gave $2 to the other day, or the busker playing guitar in the train station. Or the Green Peace folks collecting coins at the park.
The ones that benefit are the those selling the cards and the readers. And the policy-makers who want to see the flow of cash to find — supposedly — drug lords and terrorists, but secretly want to know everything about everybody.
But this is the argument for pervasive surveillance again. In the name of security and safety, they say we should all accept the intrusion of the government into our private lives so that the state can be protected from its enemies. After all, they say, if we aren’t doing anything illegal, why should we care? What have we got to hide?
But we have the right to privacy in our doings. We don’t have to say why we want privacy: it is our right.
And the shadowy doings at the margins of people’s lives are exactly the point of privacy. The man funneling money to a child born to his mistress without his wife’s knowledge, or a woman loaning money to her brother without her husband knowing: they want anonymous cash.
Boyd thinks that cash is a prerequisite of a free society, and he’s right.
“Cash”, he says,
is not a metaphor for freedom, it is a requirement of freedom. A strong society that accepts human nature without moralizing will always have anonymous cash. Only totalitarian governments — where everything not expressly required is illegal — would want to monitor the flow of every cent.
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‘Transparency’
Homer’s avenue
Triumph of the Zombies
Good NYT column by Paul Krugman. Opens thus:
When historians look back at 2008-10, what will puzzle them most, I believe, is the strange triumph of failed ideas. Free-market fundamentalists have been wrong about everything — yet they now dominate the political scene more thoroughly than ever.
How did that happen? How, after runaway banks brought the economy to its knees, did we end up with Ron Paul, who says “I don’t think we need regulators,” about to take over a key House panel overseeing the Fed? How, after the experiences of the Clinton and Bush administrations — the first raised taxes and presided over spectacular job growth; the second cut taxes and presided over anemic growth even before the crisis — did we end up with bipartisan agreement on even more tax cuts?
This is not just about the US, either, Krugman says.
The free-market fundamentalists have been as wrong about events abroad as they have about events in America — and suffered equally few consequences. “Ireland,” declared George Osborne in 2006, “stands as a shining example of the art of the possible in long-term economic policymaking.” Whoops. But Mr. Osborne is now Britain’s top economic official.
And in his new position, he’s setting out to emulate the austerity policies Ireland implemented after its bubble burst. After all, conservatives on both sides of the Atlantic spent much of the past year hailing Irish austerity as a resounding success. “The Irish approach worked in 1987-89 — and it’s working now,” declared Alan Reynolds of the Cato Institute last June. Whoops, again.
But such failures don’t seem to matter. To borrow the title of a recent book by the Australian economist John Quiggin on doctrines that the crisis should have killed but didn’t, we’re still — perhaps more than ever — ruled by “zombie economics.” Why?
Part of the answer, surely, is that people who should have been trying to slay zombie ideas have tried to compromise with them instead. And this is especially, though not only, true of the president.
The thing about zombies, though (as every schoolboy knows) is that they eat your brains.
Ten reasons not to buy an iPad for Christmas
Lovely WSJ.com piece by Brett Arends.